Wednesday, 26 December 2012

HARNESSING THE YORUBA CULTURAL HERITAGE FOR NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT




                                  Siyan Oyeweso
Introduction

The theme for this lecture ‘Harnessing the Yoruba Cultural Heritage for National Development’ is highly topical considering the richness of the Yoruba cultural heritage and its economic potentials which have not been adequately harnessed for the socio-economic and political development of Yorubaland in particular and Nigerian national development in general. The analysis of the ways by which the Yoruba rich cultural heritage can be harnessed for national development is my main objective in this lecture. It is my hope that this would be a worthwhile experience for all of us.
 I do not intend to go into detailed conceptual definitions of culture and national development in this lecture. However, it is important to give concise but succinct descriptions of these terms which are central to the subject of this lecture. According to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), culture is the whole complex of distinctive, spiritual, material, intellectual and emotional features that characterise a society or social group. It is the totality of the way of life evolved by a people in their attempt to meet the challenges of living in their environment which gives order and meaning to their social, political, economic, aesthetic and religious norms and modes of organisation thus distinguishing a people from their neighbours. A people’s culture is the universe that incorporates the essence of life expressed in their beliefs, customs, songs, dances, dress, food, stories and so on and the preservation of any peoples’ culture has always been central to their very existence and survival. On the other hand, development simply denotes growth, improvement or advancement. According to Professor Babawale, development must involve two basic processes. The first has to do with improving and refining that which is already in existence and adapting it to contemporary requirements.  The second process involves finding solutions to new problems or new forms of solutions to old problems. Premised on these basic processes, we take national development to mean significant advancement and improvement in the quality of life and standard of living of people of a particular nation.
Having briefly conceptualised culture and national development, the question may be asked: How could culture or cultural heritage be harnessed for national development? This is the question to which this lecture wants to provide answers with special focus on the Yoruba people. The paper is divided into five major parts. The first part is the introduction while the second part gives a historical background to the Yoruba cultures and traditions. The third part examines how the Yoruba have contributed to national development over the years. The fourth part outlines ways by which Yoruba cultural heritage can be harnessed for national development. The last part concludes the paper.
Origin of Yoruba Cultural Heritage: A Background Analysis of Yoruba Homeland and History

As we are sharing ideas on “Harnessing the Yoruba Cultural Heritage for National Development”, it is necessary that I start with some discussion on the people we are talking about. The Yoruba are one of the most prominent ethnic groups in West Africa. The Yoruba country spreads a vast territory from the present Edo State of Nigeria, across the Republic of Benin and Togo. Some Yoruba groups are also found in such places as Sierra Leone, Gambia, Ghana, Mali, Burkina Faso, and across the Atlantic, as far as the Caribbean, and the Americas especially in Brazil, Cuba and even Argentina. According to estimations, Yoruba have a population of over forty million people worldwide. They are made up of a number of sub-ethnic groups. In Nigeria, these include the Ife, Oyo, Ibarapa, Ijesa, Igbomina, Egba, Egbado, Awori, Egun, Ijebu, Ekiti, Ilaje, Ikale, Owo, Akoko, Ondo, Yagba, etc. In Benin and Togo, we have the Ife, Isa, Idaisa, Ajase, Ketu, Sabe and “Anago” as the major Yoruba sub-ethnic groups. In Brazil and Cuba the major Yoruba sub-group are known as Nago and Lucumi respectively. The Yoruba speak a standard Yoruba language that is mutually intelligible to all the sub-groups. This is despite the fact that the Yoruba language has many dialectal variants peculiar to the various Yoruba sub-groups.
The historical consciousness of the Yoruba started at Ile-Ife, the cradle of the Yoruba race and civilization. The Yoruba claim descent from Oduduwa, a deified personality and the acclaimed progenitor of the Yoruba people. Based on linguistic evidence it is now clear that the Yoruba emerged as a distinct language group from the Kwa group between about 2,000 BC and 1,000 BC from the Niger-Benue confluence area. Ile-Ife was obviously the first Yoruba settlement to become prominent soon after the people acquired distinctiveness and self-awareness as a separate language group. Thus, oral traditions point to Ile-Ife as the spiritual and ancestral home of the Yoruba. From Ile-Ife, they dispersed into different directions led by the siblings of Oduduwa to found new kingdoms, which more or less constitute the present Yoruba sub-groups.
It seems that the period of the emergence of the Yoruba as a distinct people coincided with the late Stone Age in West African history. The Yoruba must have started out as fruit gatherers in an area where varieties of wide edible fruit existed in abundance. Eventually, the Yoruba people had the knowledge of agriculture. The domestication of yam took place as far back as 3,000 BC; and that of sorghum or guinea corn about 1,500 BC. Probably because of ecology, pastoral farming was not developed. The Yoruba were interested in arable farming and this formed the strongest base of their agricultural economy.
Following the development of agriculture, the process of state formation began in Yorubaland with the emergence of village settlements. Before the 19th century, the Yoruba lived for many years in separate autonomous kingdoms. In the central region, there was a handful of centralized states, notably Oyo, Owu, Ijebu, Ketu, Sabe, Ife, Ijesha, Ondo, and Owo with Oyo being the most powerful until its eventual collapse during the 19th century. In other areas, political units tended to be smaller as among the Akoko, Kabba, Ikale and Ilaje. The early phases of the foundations of these settlements are presented as the golden age when committed political and military leaders emerged to establish territories or expand existing frontiers. Most of the mythical heroes, such as Oduduwa, Oranyan, Lagelu, Lisabi and Owaluse emerged during this phase.
It should be stated that these settlements did not emerge at the same time throughout Yorubaland. The village settlements formed the nuclei of larger states. The process that this transformation took was one of evolution spanning centuries. As a matter of fact, the Yoruba kingdoms and the system of government were the climax of social relationships and constitutional arrangements that evolved over time. Evidence from the Ikedu traditions, as analysed by Akinjogbin, reveals that Oduduwa seized power from Obatala sometime between the 8th and 10th centuries AD.
Oduduwa thereafter founded an enduring dynasty, provided dynamic leadership and revitalized the Ife kingdom. In fact, his career revolutionized political developments in Yorubaland because emergent centralized states in Yorubaland took a cue from Ife and developed in many parts of Yorubaland. Prominent among these were Owu, Ketu, Ijesha, Ekiti, Owo, Ondo and Oyo kingdoms. Most importantly Oyo Empire became the largest and most militarily powerful in the 17th and 18th centuries. The all-embracing and pervasive influence of Oduduwa over these kingdoms especially at their formative stages secured for Oduduwa his unparalleled reputation in Yoruba history and historiography.
The fall of Oyo and the attendant military and political crises that plagued Yorubaland in the 19th century affected the fortunes of many of these kingdoms. While some prominent states disintegrated like Ijaye and Owu, some new ones were founded like Abeokuta and Ibadan. Some others had to be structurally re-adjusted like Ife and Oyo. Despite the century long disturbances and turbulence, the basic culture and civilization which the Yoruba have built, endured and in fact political, economic, religious and intellectual development were promoted. The Yoruba developed a highly sophisticated system of government with effective checks and balances, which was spiced with a high level of gender consciousness. The Yoruba traditional system of government is indeed one of the oldest forms of democracy in the world.
It is practically impossible and even unnecessary to give a detailed analysis of Yoruba cultural history here. However, it must be emphasised that the Yoruba have unique and rich cultures and civilizations which have remained resilient to any foreign cultural domination in spite of Yoruba contact with the Europeans.
Having gone this far, it is important to briefly discuss how the Yoruba people have utilised their rich cultural heritage to impact the Nigerian state positively in various walks of life in the past.
Yoruba’s Role in Nation Building: A Historical Analysis
            In all walks of life, the Yoruba people have utilised their rich cultural heritage to contribute greatly to national development in Nigeria. They are pioneers in all fields of human endeavours in Nigeria. The fact that colonialism grouped the Yoruba together with other ethnic groups made them realize that they had to share a wider and common identity with other Nigerian ethnic groups. The Yoruba interacted politically, militarily, economically, socially and culturally with the Hausa, Nupe, Edo, Borgu, etc. for centuries before the colonial period. The early arrival of European missionaries to Yorubaland in the 1840s, ahead of any other Nigerian group brought along with it the social force that set in motion the systematic pioneering role of the Yoruba man in virtually all spheres of national life. Consequently, the Yoruba have the distinction of producing the first European trained medical doctor, Dr Nathaniel King (1847-1884) from Abeokuta, and the first lawyer, Mr Sapara Williams (1855-1915), from Igbara-Oke. This claim is without prejudice to the fact that one Nash Hamilton Williams, a Sierra Leonean was the first black lawyer to establish private practice in Lagos as far back as 1881 while Sapara Williams started his law chambers in 1888.
Between 1876 and 1920 a period of 44 years, only 18 African doctors were trained for Nigeria by British Universities and medical institutions. Most remarkably, 16 out of these 18 doctors were indisputably Yoruba. The Christian Missionary Society (CMS) commenced evangelistic work among the Yoruba in 1845. Within 85 years they had produced six indigenous bishops, including the famous Samuel Ajayi Crowther. Such a record is unparalleled in modern Africa. A revolutionary move was made in 1830 with the attempts to reduce Yoruba language to writing and between 1830 and 1875 the main features of Yoruba orthography were fashioned out. Bishop Ajayi Crowther, the first African Bishop, played a prominent role in this venture. There were also other Yoruba men such as Rev. Thomas King, the prolific translator of the Bible and Church Hymnals, and T.B. Macaulay the first African Principal of CMS Grammar School, Bariga, Lagos. These men were particularly active in translating into Yoruba, the Holy Bible, the Hymnal Companion and the Book of Common Prayers. Mention must also be made of the gigantic efforts of Reverend Samuel Johnson who as early as 1895 had completed his History of the Yorubas, a book that provides ample details on the culture, history and civilization of the Yoruba.
This relatively early contact with Christian missionaries and Western education partly gave the Yoruba a head start among other Nigerian ethnic groups. But the richness dynamism and resilience of Yoruba culture also helped to a large extent in this regard. In the sphere of religion, the cosmology of the Yoruba must have influenced the vibrant interaction between the “new” Christian religion and the “old” traditional way of worship. By identifying some of the local religious practices with practices in the new faith, a sense of continuity is established in the mind of the convert, and he sees more reality in the new faith. For instance, it is important to state that the Reformed Ogboni Fraternity (ROF) which derived its inspiration from the traditional Yoruba Ogboni cult has been serving as a potent instrument for religious and social harmony as well as national integration. Apart from the Yoruba members, the Newbreed Magazine of April 5, 1993, p.31 listed the kingpins of the Reformed Ogboni Fraternity which included 6 leading traditional rulers from the North, 2 former heads of state from the North, 12 Easterners including a former president and a vice president and two traditional rulers among other numerous members that cut across the various ethnic groups in the country.  According to Sir Adetokunbo Ademola, the first indigenous Chief Justice of Nigeria, the ROF was infused with distinct principles, all in the context of cultural nationalism and national unity.
It is important to state that various other aspects of Yoruba religious life diffused outside Yorubaland both within and outside the country. Among other ethnic groups for instance, the Egungun cult is found among the Nupe where it is known as Egwu and in western Igboland it is called Egwugwu. Apart from the Egungun cult, Yoruba's Ifa divination diffused to Northern Igboland where it is known as Afa. Ifa is also prominent in Igala, in fact it features prominently in their traditions of origin.  Thus, evidence of Yoruba religious practices is in those places West and South of the Niger wherever the Yoruba had a vibrant interaction with their neighbours. Implicit in this development is the ease with which national unity could be forged if these unifying cultural strands are carefully studied and emphasized.
In Southern Nigeria, it appears the Yoruba are the only group who have a complete, ancient and original costume of local origin and design. In fact according to Mr. Kanu Offonry in the 1947 edition of West African Review, what later constituted the national dresses of the other tribes of Nigeria were a mere modification of the Yoruba style of dress. Mr. Increase Coker sums it up in Daily Service of October 19, 1955, in the following words: "… yes we are developing a national costume. What used to be an exclusively Yoruba tribal costume is developing in popularity and usage into a Nigerian national costume.”
            In the area of mathematics and philosophy, Yoruba intellectual activities deserve mention. In mathematics, the Yoruba adopted base 20 in their arithmetical calculations. Professor A. Longe in his inaugural lecture titled “Ifa Divination and Computer Science” indicates the depth of Yoruba intellectual life in the realm of mathematics and philosophy.
Ifa divination, an ancient Yoruba knowledge system reveals to us the coherence, logicality, precision and profoundity of thoughts, philosophy, mathematics and computer science as known and practised by the Yoruba before the 11th century A.D.

Professor Idowu Odeyemi has described Ifa as the greatest unwritten Holy Book on earth, a perennial fountain of esoteric knowledge from which all prophets derive their inspiration. To him Science, especially computer science is 'Ifa compatible'. The computer like Ifa is based on the binary system.
As mentioned earlier, the early contact of the Yoruba with Western education and Western civilization made it possible for them to produce the first set of educated elite, the first set of commercial magnates and the first set of politicians in modern Nigeria. The Yoruba were in the forefront of the nationalist struggle to achieve independence for Nigeria. They joined forces with other ethnic groups to prosecute the struggles against colonialism. The earliest pressure groups cum political parties in Nigeria were organised by the Yoruba. The first of these groups was the Peoples Union formed by Thomas Randle (1855-1928) and Orisadipe Obasa (1863-1941). The party became prominent during the famous Water Rate Agitation and the proposed Land Tenure Law for Southern Nigeria in 1912. Herbert Macaulay, a descendant of Samuel Ajayi Crowther, the first Nigerian civil engineer, formed the Nigerian National Democratic Party in 1923. Macaulay’s NNDP could be described as the first national political party in Nigeria. Samuel Akinsanya, H.O Davies and Obafemi Awolowo were very active and played leading roles in the formation of the Nigerian Youth Movement in 1934. In 1945, Chief Obafemi Awolowo founded the Egbe Omo Oduduwa in London. The emergence of the Egbe represents the first serious and far-reaching attempt to foster the idea of Yoruba nationalism in the 20th century. The Egbe promoted the study of Yoruba language, history and culture and advocated a virile united Yoruba nation within the framework of a larger Nigerian state47. Thus, the Egbe stimulated the idea of cultural renaissance among the Yoruba, which was one of the vital aspects of reaction against colonial rule. In the words of Atanda, “… the solidarity built up by the Yoruba not only helped them to effectively participate in displacing their colonial masters, it also helped them to play a strong and useful role in the political structure of the emergent Nigerian nation.”
As soon as political parties became more ethnic based in Nigeria, the Yoruba founded the Action Group in 1951 to rival the Igbo dominated National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC), and the Hausa-Fulani controlled Northern Peoples Congress (NPC). The government of Chief Awolowo and his party, the Action Group, transformed the Yoruba homeland and led other regions in Nigeria in developmental projects during the 1950s and early 1960s. Historical landmarks like the free education programme, first television station in Africa, Liberty Stadium, Cocoa House, and other physical infrastructures like roads, hospitals, where free services were provided for people under the age of 18 years, and agricultural projects, to mention but a few were recorded. It was not surprising therefore, that other regions tried to emulate the Western region’s example.
The launching of the free Universal Primary Education (UPE) in 1955 by Chief Obafemi Awolowo revolutionized educational development not only in Western Nigeria but in the country as a whole. Undoubtedly, it was the boldest and perhaps the most unprecedented ambitious educational scheme in Black Africa. The UPE programme saw education as the most powerful tool for fighting two deadly enemies: ignorance and superstition. It demonstrated the commitment of the Action Group government to the development of its citizens and its effects were far-reaching even up to this day.
The contributions and pioneering role of the Yoruba in Nigeria’s quest for socio-economic development deserve mention. In fact, Captain Davies Josiah Crowther, Candida Da Rocha, Richard Blaize and many others distinguished themselves in business in the 19th and 20th centuries. Richard Blaize's business became so large that it ranked as one of the most important concerns in West Africa. In 1896, Governor Carter reported that Blaize was the wealthiest man in Nigeria with his financial resources estimated at 150,000 pounds. Incidentally, Blaize's daughter Olajumoke who later married Dr. Obasa was one of the earliest pioneers of motor transport business in Nigeria. She introduced the Anfani Bus Service in Lagos in 1913. Equally, Da Rocha was so rich that the corrupted version of his name, Darosa, became synonymous with wealth and comfort, and sometimes, with profligacy.
A look at the list of the 15 leading businessmen and women in Nigeria between 1920 and 1980 reveals that 9 are from the Yoruba stock, 3 Igbo, 2 from Edo-Delta, and one Hausa-Fulani. Chief Adeola Odutola was perhaps the most well known and pioneer industrialist in Nigeria. He was the first industrialist to establish factories in all regions of the federation. He was also the first to oppose the domineering influence of European and Lebanese firms and warned that Nigerian businessmen should not stand idly by and see their resources being taken away by the Lebanese with the aid of British firms. J.K Ladipo launched a food processing company in 1939 and Samuel Fawehinmi started a modern furniture factory in 1948.
The pioneer and first motor dealer in Nigeria was W.A Dawodu (1879-1930). He was the first person to import motor vehicles into Nigeria and was sole agent for Ford cars and Humber cycles. He also built up motor bodies, did conversions and built rickshaws at his factory in Lagos. By 1920 he was employing 250 workers and had a branch at Oshogbo. Of the first four Nigerian to be associated with foreign construction companies, three were Yoruba. They are Sir Mobolaji Bank Anthony (Borino Prono) Chief M.A Aboderin (Strabag) and Chief Akin Deko (Soleh Boneh). Sir Philip Ojukwu (Costain) was the only non-Yoruba. Lawyers who joined the boards of oil companies in the early '60s included such Yoruba men as Chief Chris Ogunbanjo (Philips, 1960) Chief H.O Davies (Total, 1961) and Chief Bayo Kuku (Mobil, 1964). Three distinguished Yorubamen, Dr. Akinola Maja, T.A Doherty and H.A Subair floated the first indigenous bank in Nigeria in 1933, the National Bank of Nigeria. The Bank then was small, but nonetheless it was a significant source of funds for indigenous entrepreneurs especially those engaged in commodity exports in the 1950s and 1960s.
In the field of science and technology, the Yoruba man is not found wanting. Professor G.A. Makanjuola invented the yam pounder, Professor A. Olubunmo was the first professor of Mathematics in Nigeria and Professor D.F. Ojo was the first professor of Atomic Physics in Africa. Dr. S.L. Manuwa was the first Nigerian to become the Chief Medical Adviser to the federal government of Nigeria from 1954-1959. It has to be stated even though briefly, that in the military sphere, the Yoruba have made an indelible mark. Sodeke, Ogedengbe, Aduloju, Bashorun Oluyole, etc. distinguished themselves as brilliant military tacticians and charismatic leaders in the 19th century. Professor J.F. Ade-Ajayi has done extensive studies on the role of professional warriors in 19th century Yoruba politics. Lt. Col. Adekunle Fajuyi displayed an unparalleled valour by choosing to die with his guest, the head of state, General Ironsi. Generals Benjamin Adekunle, Olusegun Obasanjo and James Oluleye and Alani Akinrinade, played decisive roles in bringing an end to the Nigerian civil war. Olusegun Obasanjo is reputed to be the first African military ruler to voluntarily relinquish power to a democratically elected government in 1979.
In the fight against the military and the enthronement of democracy in Nigeria, Yoruba were at the forefront. M.K.O. Abiola and his wife, Kudirat, paid the ultimate price of death in order to plant democracy in this country. Several Yoruba people fought Abacha and the military to as stand still until the death of the short man in Aso Rock in 1998. The names of people like Abraham Adesanya, Wole Soyinka, Gani Fawehinmi, Beko Ransome-Kuti, General Alani Akinrinade, Olabiyi Durojaye, Bola Tinubu and other NADECO chiefs would never be forgotten in Nigerian history. General Alani Akinrinade, a retired military General, was particularly outstanding in the fight for democratic enthronement in Nigeria apart from his meritorious military service to the nation. He contributed immensely to the development of the Nigerian nation through a rare combination of military professionalism and political wisdom. He took active part in the war to prevent the balkanization of Nigeria between 1967 and 1970 when he was in his late 20s. After he had reached the apex of his career as Chief of Army Staff and Chief of Defense Staff under President Shehu Shagari, General Akinrinade took part in military rule when it appeared to be popular in the country, acting as minister of agriculture, industry, and transport under the military dictatorship of General Ibrahim Babangida. His contributions to political thought and pro-democracy activism in his post-military years cannot be overestimated.
Not minding his military background, General Akinrinade stepped boldly into the arena of struggle for democracy and federalism in the country. General Akinrinade has openly canvassed for re-structuring of the country with a view to restoring true federalism that he earned the stigma of NADECO General. He joined forces with civilians to resist the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election. Although his clear opposition to the annulment of Abiola’s electoral victory forced him into exile, first in England and later in the United States, he stood his ground and took active part at the barricades in London and Washington on the side of Nigerian professionals and students to convince Europeans and Americans that no system of government other than democracy was needed in Nigeria. One enduring aspect of Jagunmolu Akinrinade’s role in the pro-democracy movement is his insistence that Nigeria’s unity can derive only from true federalism.
On the other hand, General Emmanuel Abisoye has played a leading role in the history of Nigeria. In 1976, he headed the military tribunal that tried and convicted plotters of the abortive coup that claimed the life of then Head of State, General Murtala Muhammed on February 13, 1976. Major General Emmanuel Abisoye (rtd) was later made Federal Commissioner (Minister) for Health during the military regime of then General Olusegun Obasanjo. When the military handed over power to civilians in 1979, he, like many other generals of that period like Alani Akinrinade, T. Y. Danjuma, etc retired. In 1986, after the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria students’ riot that later spread to various campuses nationwide, Abisoye was called upon to head the panel that investigated the circumstances that led to the riots. To the utmost surprise of the people, particularly those who were trying to cover up the root causes of the riots, retired General Emmanuel Abisoye, a member of the ruling class, had the courage to tell President Babangida when he was submitting his panel's report in 1986 that part of the cause of the student crisis emanated from the fright, confusion, grievances and deep fear and uncertainty which engulfed the campuses because of the lack of job opportunities after graduation. He therefore urged the government to make adequate plan for the future of the youth through provision of jobs and opportunities. This is a reflection of the Yoruba culture of being frank and truthful to people irrespective of their status in the society.
These are just a few of the monumental landmarks of the Yoruba people towards the socio-economic and political development of Nigeria. All these achievements are rooted in Yoruba cultures of excellence, hard work, dedication, determination, sincerity, frankness, truthfulness, ingenuity, industry, and resourcefulness. This is the main reason why Yoruba people are the engine of growth of the development of this great country. They are at the fore front of the various sectors of the national economy such as health, education, agriculture and so on.
Harnessing Yoruba Cultural Heritage for National Development:                                                           Requirements and Modalities

So far, we have tried to show that the Yoruba are heirs to an ancient, rich and cultured civilization. This culture is known for its artistic triumphs, extraordinary oral literature, complex pantheon of gods and an urban lifestyle. The Yoruba possessed famous traditions of art, precisely because they had productive economies and vibrant commercial systems, which allowed artists and craft workers freedom from scarcity and provided access to metals, woods and clay sculpture. The Yoruba have also created sophisticated institutions of government. The Yoruba cultural impact is so great not only in Nigeria but also in modern Brazil, Cuba and the Americas where their religion and culture have remained pervasive. This remarkable cultural triumph makes the Yoruba experience one of the most fascinating subjects of historical study in the world.
This rich history has placed a significant onus on the Yoruba people and their leaders in the contemporary society given particularly the developmental challenges confronting the Nigerian nation. Over the past several decades since attainment of independence, Nigerians have sought to build virile, strong and economically prosperous and developed country. However, the efforts at development have been complicated by the country’s tremendous poverty and uneven distribution of resources. In order to solve these problems, the people at the helms of the country’s affairs have been looking outward to the international development partners for solutions in form of financial assistance. This has not helped the situation in any way but has only compounded our problems. It must be stated here that the developed countries of the West do not want our development because our development is a problem for them. If this is so, then, how do we achieve our development without looking up to advanced countries for loans.
With the rich Yoruba cultural heritage, they have tremendous opportunities ahead of other Nigerian peoples to explore their cultural heritage for income generation and translate the generated income into infrastructural facilities through their manpower resources. This would result in several developmental strides that would bring about not only economic growth but also economic development measurable by high living standard among the citizens and alleviation of poverty. What do we do and how and where do we begin? There are three categories of things we need to do in order to achieve this laudable objective. These are cultural protection, rejuvenation and revolution in the face of globalisation; cultural renewal and investments; and cultural promotion for income generation, wealth acquisition and sustainable development.
Indeed, the world is now a global village as a result of the powerful influence of information and communication technology (ICT) which is powering the new globalisation. In spite of the benefits associated with the new globalisation and ICT, it must be established that much of what is being bandied around is not modernisation in the real sense of the word, but more of Westernisation which tends to degrade our cultural values and make them look barbaric and uncivilised. Today, Yoruba music, visual arts, customs, rituals, names, dance, modes of dressing, food culture etc are being relegated to the background by Yoruba people to the adoption of foreign, particularly Western music, visual arts, names and so on. This is why I have said there is a need for cultural protection, rejuvenation and revolution in the face of Westernisation stylishly called modernisation.
  There is a critical need to find solutions to problems of cultural destitution and destruction in the name of modernisation. The first and most important solution is to protect, cherish and nurture our cultural heritage through the pursuit of sustainable development policies that will marry culture and development. This is because any development that destroys our culture is counter-productive and so is any culture that does not allow for development. Do I need to remind you that the graduation of the Asian Tigers, particularly China, from underdeveloped countries to developed countries was culture-driven. The root of Chinese development success was in the 1965-1968 cultural revolution that was meant to restore the cultural principles of the Chinese people and revolutionise political opinion and behaviour. Today, China is one of the strongest economies in the world courtesy of its development efforts driven by cultural rejuvenation and revolution. My argument here is that the foundation of our efforts at development must be the rejuvenation, protection and appreciation of our cultural heritage which will be the bedrock of selling it to outsiders. If we do not appreciate our own cultural values, there is no way we can harness it for our development. In simpler terms, our starting point is that we must be proud of our cultural heritage.
Furthermore, in finding solutions to problems of cultural destitution and destruction, there are other things that must be carried out. One of these is that our indigenous languages must be promoted in all facets of our life. It is sad to see many Yoruba families where their grown up children cannot speak Yoruba language correctly but a two-year old child speaks good English. This would not take us to any where as we cannot develop by embracing other people’s culture. We must therefore encourage the speaking of our indigenous language and dialects even in our school environment. This does not prevent our students from doing well in examinations on English Language. There is even the need to teach our pupils in elementary schools in the mother tongues in order to effectively understand the message of the lessons. Similarly, efforts must be made to incorporate Nigerian arts and culture in our school curricula from the elementary schools to tertiary institutions. All these would go a long way in creating a new cultural reorientation for our young ones and aid in our efforts at achieving sustainable development using our cultural heritage.
Having achieved cultural protection, rejuvenation and appreciation, we can move to the second stage of the process of harnessing culture for development which is cultural renewal and investments. In order to position our cultural heritage for development, there is a need for packaging to attract foreign and local tourists. This can only be done through huge investments in our cultural heritage because the management and packaging of cultural assets require a lot of funds. This would include making these cultural sites accessible through construction of roads, and making them comfortable through the provision of basic infrastructures like electricity, portable water, communication facilities and decent accommodation in the local communities where these sites are located. We must also ensure that during the packaging, the natural habitat and ecosystem of our cultural heritage sites (i.e. material culture) are preserved and retained. Once the packaging is achieved without destroying the intrinsic features of the cultures, we can then move forward to the next line of action which is cultural promotion for income generation, wealth acquisition and sustainable development.
In harnessing our cultural heritage for development, our cultural heritage sites must be developed for tourist attractions from within and outside the country. Without mincing words, it could be categorically stated that tourism industry has established itself as a prime national revenue earner in several developed and developing countries of the world. More significantly, the Yoruba in diaspora particularly the Nago and Lucumi in Brazil and Cuba respectively have used Yoruba cultures to attain enviable socio-economic standard in Latin America and the Caribbeans. Why can’t we achieve such feat in Yorubaland with our abundant material and non material cultural heritage in their original forms?
At this point, I think I will try to mention some specific cultural heritage and sites in Yorubaland which can be further developed to attract tourists and therefore generate income and wealth for the development of Yorubaland. The first and perhaps the most important in this regard is our numerous cultural festivals such Olojo festival that we are celebrating today, Osun Osogbo festival, Gelede festival and other Egungun festivals in other parts of Yorubaland as well as other traditional festivals among the Yoruba. Others include our numerous age long shrines and groves, extraordinary oral literature like praise poems and panegyrics, artistic excellence, complex pantheon of gods, and so on. In other words, we must strive to maximise economic opportunities of our cultural artifacts and festivals for our development. All these can be developed to meeting international tourist standard and thus yield enormous foreign earnings to our governments at various levels.
Significantly, in the long run, this would have a great economic impact on the development efforts of Yorubaland. In the first instance, there would be a stimulation of rural development since most of the tourist attraction areas are located in the rural areas. Second, it would also lead to drastic reduction in rural-urban migration and human congestion in the urban centres which is one of the major economic problems of the contemporary Nigerian state because of employment opportunities and income generation that will be opened up for rural dwellers. In general terms, the development of our rich cultural heritage as internationally recognised tourist attraction centres would boost our economies, improve the living standard of the people and thus expedite our development.
Conclusion
At this moment, my position on how to harness our cultural heritage for development should be very clear to my distinguished audience. It is simply that, since all theories of development have failed to work for us and foreign loans have compounded our indebtedness, we should look inward for our development drives. My major thesis in our inward-looking development drive is tourism through cultural heritage promotion.  I have identified some of what we must do and how to do them in order to achieve development through tourism powered by promotion of cultures and traditions. As I have argued, when this is achieved, it would definitely impact positively on income generation, job creation and improvement of living standard of the people. It must be emphasised that the major index of development is high living standard of the people. My argument here is that in our cultural heritage promotion lies the success of our development efforts. Let me end this lecture by the dictum: “Culture never dies, tradition lives on”.

Siyan Oyeweso: Understanding the Scholar and his Works





Noah Echa Attah, Shina Alimi and Yemi Balogun
Introduction
It is often said that when an academic attains the enviable rank of a professor especially on the basis of solid academic research and appreciable published works, such a scholar has achieved some form of earthly immortality (Afigbo, 1999: 32; Ogen, 2006: 115). But when it becomes necessary to understand a historian's personal philosophy especially with regard to his attitudes to life and work and his general worldview; as a way of understanding his writings and appreciating his academic and professional legacies, then such a historian has become a remarkable intellectual phenomenon and an established school of historical thought in his own right (Akinrinade, 1998: 224—240; Afolayan, 2002: 3-46; Ogen, 2006: 115). In fact, Carr (1961: 23 & 24) opines that it is necessary to study the historian before studying his works.
Study the historian before you begin to study his facts….Before you study the historian, study his historical and social environments.
The above scenario appears to be the case with Professor Siyan Oyeweso, a scholar par excellence and a consummate administrator imbued with a humane heart.
Birth, Early Life and Education
Siyan Oyeweso was born on 1st February, 1961 at Ile Olojo, Ede, to the family of Kareem Aweda Oyeweso. Siyan spent his early years with his parents in Ghana before he was brought to Ibadan, Nigeria. He started his primary education at Wesley Primary School, Elekuro, Ibadan but completed it at St. Peter Primary School, Sekona-Ede where he received the highest number of prizes for his outstanding performance in 1972. In 1973, he proceeded to Oke-Iragbiji Grammar School, Iragbiji-Ikirun, Osun State for his secondary education. While in primary school, Siyan distinguished himself as a brilliant student. He was the Prize Winner at the Oyo State Secondary School’s Quiz Competition in 1974 and the Oyo State Secondary Schools Essay Competition in 1976. In his final year, he served as the Library Prefect as well as the Editor of “The Mountaineers”, the school magazine. While his academic excellence both at the primary and the secondary schools proved his academic brilliance and seriousness, his position as Library Prefect is a testimony of his love for scholarship and covert training and preparation for the tasks ahead.  Siyan was one of the first set of candidates to be admitted through the Joint Admission Matriculation Board (JAMB) in 1978. Hence, he got admission to the University of Ife, now Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), Ile-Ife.
Significantly, Siyan was privileged to learn at the feet of great history teachers such as Emeritus Professor I.A. Akinjogbin, Professors Segun Osoba, O.O. Omosini, Richard Olaniyan, Kola Folayan, B.O. Oloruntimehin, J. Mulira, Fola Soremekun, E. Ekemode, A.O. Anjorin, Isola Olomola, Akin Olorunfemi, Biodun Adediran, Toyin Falola and other distinguished scholars at Ife. These renowned scholars created and sustained the Ife School of History which is reputable for its scholarship in the realm of several aspects of Yoruba history. The school was also instrumental to the creation of critical reflection within the context of narrative and analytic resolutions in African historiography. In addition, the efforts of the school at promoting the use of interdisciplinary approach in the study of history cannot be ignored. In an attempt to enhance the multidisciplinary approach, most of these scholars learnt and spoke second language such as French, Arabic, German, Russian and Spanish. 
But also vital to the shaping of Siyan Oyeweso’s philosophy and scholarship are the ideas of history as reflected in E. H. Carr’s What is History? (1961). He also benefitted from Rene Albrecht-Carrie’s Diplomatic History of Europe and A. J. P. Taylor’s Struggle for the Mastery of Europe and Europe between the Wars. Apart from these scholars, he is well versed and groomed in classical and contemporary literatures. He is also a lover of William Shakespeare, Bernard Shaw, Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe, Okot P’itek, Ngugi Wa Thi’ongo, Peter Abrahams, J. F Odunjo, D. O. Fagunwa, Adebayo Faleti, Akinwumi Isola and Ola Rotimi, among others. After his first degree, he pursued and obtained his Master and Ph.D. degrees from the Obafemi Awolowo University Ile-Ife.
Professional Career
Siyan Oyeweso joined Lagos State University in 1985 as an Assistant Lecturer and became Senior Lecturer in 1992. He attained the rank of an Associate Professor in 2001 and in 2004, he was promoted full professor. He was at different times the Head of Department of History and International Studies, Lagos State University, Dean Faculty of Arts, Lagos State University, the pioneer Provost, College of Humanities and Culture, Osun State University, Ikire Campus; and pioneer Chairman, Committee of Provosts, Deans and Directors of Osun State University from 2007 - 2011.  Siyan Oyeweso is a recipient of various research scholarships and grants such the Federal Government of Nigeria Scholarship (1988-1991), University of Ife Post-Graduate Scholar, 1994, Small Grant for Thesis Writing of the Centre for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA), Sir Michael Otedola Research Grant (2002), Research Grant from the Centre for Development and Democratic Studies (2001) and the Nigeria Conservation Foundation Research Grant (1995). Siyan Oyeweso has just been elevated to the enviable rank of Fellow of the Historical Society of Nigeria.

The Growth and Development of Nigerian Academic Historiography
Since the 1950s when modern Nigerian historiography began to take shape, historical scholarship has been undergoing several transformations. The period between 1950 and the early 1970s witnessed the efforts of the first generation of Nigerian academic historians of the Ibadan School of History such as K.O Dike, Saburi Biobaku, J.C. Anene, J.F.A. Ajayi, C.C. Ifemesia, R.A. Adeleye, J.D. Omer-Cooper, Adiele Afigbo and so on. This group was later joined by other distinguished historians such as Isaac Adeagbo Akinjogbin and Phillip Igbafe from the then University of Ife. These scholars challenged the basic tenets of colonial historiography as exemplified in the works of some British anthropologists and administrators such as C. L. Temple, H. R. Palmer, P. A. Talbot and C. K. Meek to mention but a few (Adediran, 1986). Their major preoccupation was the reconstruction of Nigerian history from an African perspective.  Significantly, this first crop of Nigerian academic historians provided the template to experiment the hitherto neglected but rich African oral traditions in the reconstruction of the African past. Although, these historians have been criticized for being too nationalistic, they however played important role in pioneering authentic African academic historiography.  Interestingly,  by the late 1970s and early 1980s, another set of academic historians came on board, mostly from the Zaria School of History who challenged the approach and methodology of the former group for being too Western and patriotic. Included in this group are Abdullahi Smith, Yusuf Bala Usman, Patrick Wilmot, Temu and Swai, among others (Adeoye: 1992 and Adesina: 2006).
Apart from these two groups of academic historians, there are others who have charted new courses in historical scholarship. In this category are Obaro Ikime, G. O. Olusanya, A.B. Aderibigbe, E.A. Ayandele, Anthony Asiwaju, Tekena Tamuno, Bolanle Awe, Akinjide Osuntokun, Ade Adefuye, R.A. Olaniyan, O.O. Omosini, T.G.O. Gbadamosi, Biodun Adediran, Toyin Falola, H.O. Danmole, Ayodeji Olukoju among others, who focused on critical issues that affect the nation in an effort to make historical scholarship appraise itself with the problems of nation building in Nigeria. Ikime and Olusanya’s works are on the challenges of nationalism and nation building, Tamuno on the political and administrative history of Nigeria, Awe on women and gender related issues and Asiwaju on Nigeria’s international boundaries. While it is observed that many academic historians in this period were concerned with the need to make history a tool for nation building, most of their works were largely rooted in pre-colonial and colonial history. In this way, contemporary critical issues affecting the nation were almost left to journalists, political scientists and sociologists. This tendency was challenged by many historians who pointed out that historical scholarship must embrace contemporary issues. Among the early proponents of this position are Segun Osoba, Ehiedu. E. G. Iweriebor, Siyan Oyeweso, among others.
Today, there is no gainsaying the fact that Siyan Oyeweso is one of the most influential contemporary historians of modern Nigeria. The testimonies of his zeal for scholarship are adequately reflected in his contributions to books, journals, monographs, newspaper articles and conference proceedings. He is a versatile and well-rounded scholar. His scholarly energies are particularly devoted to the studies of war, military, philosophy of history, Yoruba culture and history, Islamic studies, citizenship, development and identity questions, and political thoughts in which his authority is well acknowledged. Siyan Oyeweso’s genius and versatility is also observed in various micro-studies of the peoples of Ede, Epe, Ibadan, Badagry, Ijesa and Lagos.
Certainly, it will be practically impossible to cover Oyeweso’s works in this single piece; however an attempt is made here to reflect on a few of his works. In doing this, we shall examine Oyeweso’s philosophy of history, his contributions to the effects of the 19th century Yoruba wars and the Nigerian Civil War on contemporary Nigerian politics and society, and his discourses on various individual intellectual thoughts in Africa, Europe and the Islamic world.
Siyan Oyeweso and his Idea of History
            To a lay man, the idea of history is the story of events that happened in the past, and a historian is someone who tells stories of these events. This idea of history is a far cry from that of the professional historians. For E. H. Carr, “history is a continuous interaction between the historian and his facts, and an unending dialogue between the past and the present” (Carr: 1961). Meanwhile, as Akinjogbin pointed out, the concept of history will be broadly agreed to be an “organised critical study of such past activities of human beings as had produced significant effects on subsequent course of event or on other human beings in the course of events”(Akinjogbin: 1977). While it could be said that Oyeweso’s concept of history is not remarkably different in reality from the observations of Carr and Akinjogbin, his idea of history appears to have been defined by certain convictions.
            Beyond the general question of “why” that underlies the methodology of historical enquiry, Siyan Oyeweso believes that the historian must have a recourse not only to why an event happened, he should also consider what happened in the past, why it happened and how it happened, not just through a systematic collation of beliefs and practices; but also through critical inter and trans-disciplinary analysis of all other sources and branches of knowledge that are capable of serving historical ends.
In his perceptive and thought provoking inaugural lecture, Oyeweso makes cases for the adoption of the concept of organic citizenship which is accommodative of both settlers and natives and highly integrative. His position is that organic citizenship where every Nigerian is seen and treated as a citizen in any part of the country where he is domiciled for a long period of time is sine-qua-none for Nigerian unity and integration. Aligning with Mahmood Mamdani’s argument on the settler/indigene issue in contemporary Africa, Oyeweso posits that colonialism and colonial orientations left a legacy of ethnic and sectional loyalties in Nigeria and this has been the bane of achieving true nationhood in Nigeria. His argument is that much can be learned from the example of Lagos where prominent foreign families had become indigenized and nativised. Prominent examples of such families in Lagos are Oshodi-Tapa Dynasty of Epe and Tinubu family of Kakawa Street which historically originated from Nupeland and Kanuriland respectively (Oyeweso, 2006). His conclusion is that, in the quest for national unity and integration in Nigeria, ethnic chauvinism and sectional loyalty must give way to patriotism and national identity.
He argues that the tragedy of the Nigerian state is three-fold: lack of knowledge of its history; lack of understanding of that history; and lack of application of the examples and lessons of history (Oyeweso: 2006). This is what he called the Unholy Trinity. Because the Nigerian society (comprising, especially the elites who are supposed to know better), does not understand its history and its purpose, history becomes for them, the original sin that continued to be held liable for all Nigerian woes such as the claim of ‘amalgamation of misfits’, the ‘mistake of 1914’, among others. To this end, history has been blamed for a failed project and has been attacked from all directions. The attack involves the conscious attempt to stop the study of history in primary and post-primary schools across the nation.
Nigeria’s and indeed Africa’s historical past, for Oyeweso, is a burden to all historians and students of the society and a deep knowledge and understanding of that past is the only sure way of emancipating the society from it. The present, for Oyeweso, is not a new beginning but a continuation of the past. As such the past must be understood in the light of the present. In spite of this, Oyeweso did not believe that the historian must bury himself in the distant past when contemporary and critical issues are affecting the society and are in need of explanation and solution. He therefore pointed out that:
History is the study of the past, only to the extent that the past exists up to the last micro-second. The goal of historical scholarship is to make the present more comprehensible and the past not an unfathomable mirage. Thus, history is a wedlock of the past, the present and the future. In the unending dialogue among the trinity, the initiative lies with the present; how we introspect, construct and shape it to make the future more meaningful and the past better appreciated (Oyeweso: 2006).
Oyeweso’s Reflections on War and Strategic Thought
That Siyan Oyeweso is a leading expert in the field of strategic thought in Nigeria is to state the obvious. A testimony of this could be found in several volumes of scholarly literatures he has produced on pre-colonial and post-colonial warfare in Nigeria, including prominent war actors. There is no gainsaying the fact that Oyeweso’s work on the Nigerian Civil war is one of the most authoritative and often cited in discourses on war history and strategic studies in Nigeria. It is in this light that his contributions to the historiography of the 19th century Yoruba wars and the Nigerian civil war are examined.
One of the works of Siyan Oyeweso on pre-colonial wars is “Ede-Ibadan Relations in the 19th Century” (Oyeweso: 2004). In this work, Oyeweso established the fact that Ede and Ibadan had many things in common: they were both important Oyo-speaking towns; and both were being newly re-established in the period between 1817 and 1820. Similarly, the two towns started as military camps; both were important refugee centres in the 19th century; and both had strong military traditions. In spite of these similarities, Oyeweso observes that the relationship between the two towns in the 19th century was primarily governed by military and strategic considerations.
In another work, “Ede Participation in the 19th Century Yoruba Wars” Oyeweso examined the role of Ede in the 19th century Yoruba wars (Akinjogbin: 1998). According to Oyeweso, Ede was involved in many wars of the 19th century Yoruba wars. Some of these were the Lasinmi war (1826); Pamo war (1828); Eleduwe (1838); to mention a few. 
Oyeweso further noted that the 19th century’s wars had various consequences on Ede and its environs. It is however significant to note that the article “Ede Participation in the 19th Century Yoruba Wars” by Siyan Oyeweso is a systematic study of how Yoruba states interacted and survived through war and diplomacy.
Oyeweso also examined several Yoruba Yoruba war heroes in his studies of warfare in Yorubaland. Writing on  Timi Abibu Lagunju of Ede, Oyeweso opines that Timi Lagunju was one of the most outstanding personalities and warrior-kings in 19th century Yorubaland who was well acquainted with the military class, the royalty, the business class and Muslim leaders of this epoch making era. Although he was a king, Oyeweso notes that Timi Lagunju, unlike other kings, was always present on the battle front. He personally led Ede forces to various wars such as the Ijaye, Jalumi and Ekitiparapo wars on the side of Ibadan.  Timi Lagunju was also a prominent figure during the peace process in Yorubaland from 1884-1893. Another prominent military hero that was examined by Oyeweso was Bashorun Oluyole of Ibadan. In “The Career of Bashorun Oluyole of Ibadan, 1830-1847” (2000), Oyeweso underscored the significance of Bashorun Oluyole as one of the men who laid the foundation of Ibadan. Oluyole, according Oyeweso, set two important goals for Ibadan. One is to checkmate the Fulani menace, and the second was to make Ibadan the strongest town in Yorubaland To achieve these, Oluyole and other generals devised various strategies and organized the warriors to harness their full potentials. Under Oluyole, Ibadan achieved its set goals: she defeated the Fulani Jihadists in the Osogbo war and became the dominant power in Yorubaland.

Another Yoruba war hero examined by Oyeweso was Balogun Kuku of Ijebu. Kuku was a merchant prince whose trading influence was felt throughout Yorubaland. His major business interest was arms trading which was vital to the survival of Ibadan’s war efforts and imperial mission. But incidentally, the trading activities and interests of Kuku clashed with the Ijebu official policy against Ibadan. The period coincided with the time when the Ijebu placed embargo on arms trading with Ibadan. Despite this restriction, Balogun Kuku not only emerged as the biggest arms dealer for the Ibadan, he was perhaps the most dependable and trusted. By the end of 1886 Peace Treaty when the people of Ijebu accused him of supporting Ibadan, the career of Kuku was affected. The career of Kuku, according to Oyeweso, points to the relationship between the merchant class and the political class, and between economics and politics.
Oyeweso’s academic exertions on Yoruba pre-colonial war studies also found expression in a chapter he co-authored with Olasiji Oshin on “British Conquest and Administration of Yorubaland, 1854 – 1900. According to the authors, the British conquest of Yorubaland which started with the bombardment of Lagos was primarily driven by economic motives rather than by any altruistic intensions..
Breaking New Grounds: Oyeweso on Nigerian Civil War
            Perhaps the greatest contributions of Siyan Oyeweso to the literature on war and strategy are his works on the Nigerian Civil war.  These works represent courageous attempts to break the myth that historians should be wary of recent or contemporary history. Oyeweso derived the inspiration for this thematic focus from the charge of the likes of Professors J. F. Ade Ajayi and E.U. Emovon. These intellectual icons appealed to Nigerian historians to shift emphasis from the distant past and focus their studies on contemporary events.
Thus, one of Oyeweso’s works on the Nigerian Civil war is a monograph titled The Post -Gowon Nigerian Account of the Nigerian Civil War, 1975-1990: A Preliminary Review (Oyeweso: 1992). This research monograph is a fascinating review of sixteen books on the Nigerian Civil War written by different authors with different motives and perspectives. In this work Oyeweso identifies the lacunae in the accounts of several military officers who participated in the war and submits that the accounts reflect the geographical divides or ethnic groups of the auth concludes that these authors are all victims of partisanship and subjectivity in their selection of facts.
            Historiographically, Oyeweso laments the non-release of official documents relating to the war. He also notes that the eye witnesses’ accounts like every other source whether primary or secondary should be well analysed and objectively scrutinized. In conclusion, Oyeweso presents us with the catalogue of primary and secondary sources on the Nigerian civil war. Thus, the monograph remains a veritable compass for future research on the Nigerian Civil War.
In the characteristic manner of his ebullient scholarship, Oyeweso also concentrates on the major personalities involved in the war. For instance, in “The Ojukwu Factor in the Outbreak of the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970” Oyeweso provides a critical analysis of the involvement of Chukwuemeka Ojukwu in the war. Contrary to popular views, particularly among commentators from northern Nigeria that Ojukwu was responsible for the war, Oyeweso points out that Ojukwu merely acted based on the responsibility placed on him by history. It is therefore wrong to hold Ojukwu culpable for the civil war. Oyeweso also argues that the assumption that the Ojukwu led secessionist movement was a long term plan that antedated his army days cannot sustain critical analysis and appraisal.
      According to Oyeweso, “Ojukwu’s responsibility was that he merely captured and articulated the Igbo mood (especially that of the ruling class), a mood not determined by him, but by the larger Nigerian society and its history” (Oyeweso: 1987).
      In “From Neutrality to Active Involvement: Awo and the Nigerian Civil War” Oyeweso assesses the role of Chief Obafemi Awolowo in the Nigerian Civil War.  He criticized the general impression in some quarters that Awolowo gave covert or overt support to Ojukwu and encouraged him to secession but later backed out. Based on this observation, Oyeweso gave unassailable evidence which exonerated Awolowo from any secessionist move or support for Ojukwu. According to him, Awolowo was  part of the members of the National Conciliation Committee whose last minute effort was aimed at averting a confrontation between the federal government and the Eastern Region.Oyeweso concludes that the claim that Awolowo goaded Ojukwu to secede amounts to inventing a “scape-goat” theory for the war. 
      Oyeweso highlights the factors that necessitated Awolowo’s decision to align with the federal government. One is that he (Awolowo) the courteous treatment of Gowon after releasing him from incarceration. Second, Awolowo at this time had won the support of many political leaders in the North who now favoured his federal system of government and states’ creation idea. To this end, he underscored the fact that Awolowo contributed a great deal to the sustenance and preservation of the unity of the country. Oyeweso’s studies on the Nigeria Civil War also include the roles played by the church and church organizations in the pre and post-war periods. In his Church, Church Organisations and the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970),  he observed the shortcomings of  the Church in its attempts to stop the outbreak of the war.  The efforts made by the Church in March and May, 1967 in this regard were considered to be too feeble as the church leaders were not assertive enough in their quest for peace. His exact words: The church itself was part of the crises as it felt aggrieved that its members, especially in eastern Nigeria, were unjustly treated by the Nigerian society. Christians in politics who ought to act as the conscience of the society also failed to show significant awareness. It is because of this situation that Oyeweso said that “church faithfuls did not place Christian principles above political considerations”.  
Moreover, the church in eastern Nigeria was also polarised. For instance both the Roman Catholic Church and the Anglican Church supported the Biafra cause, while the Methodist Church stood behind the Federal Government. Indeed, the church in eastern Nigeria supported Biafra ideologically and morally.. The church also composed songs such as “we are Biafrans fighting for our freedom, in the name of Jesus we shall conquer” to bolster up the courage of the Biafran soldiers. The Catholic Church in particular encouraged Ojukwu to take the war seriously as it was an opportunity for the church to produce a Catholic head of state in Ojukwu. This argument, according to Oyeweso, was used to explain the recognition which Felix Biogny of Cote D’Ivoire, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia and Omar Bongo of Gabon gave to the still born Biafra Republic. This lucid contribution of Oyeweso to Nigerian civil war from the perspective of church historiography is both illuminating and revealing. From contemporary Nigerian history, the role of the church in national issues today may not be too different from what Oyeweso delineated in his Church, Church Organisations and the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970.
            Another interesting civil war literature on by Oyeweso is an edited work entitled Perspectives on the Nigerian Civil War..  Till date, the work remains one of the most interpretive accounts of the Nigerian civil war. It is the first book in its category that attracted the attention of several key actors in the civil war including Odumegwu Ojukwu, Yakubu Gowon and T. Y. Danjuma. In fact, the book was acknowledged by Edwin Madunagu (http://www.massoblogspot.com) as one of the most authoritative analyses of the war. According to Madunagu, the other works are D. J. M. Muffet’s work, Let the Truth be Told: The Coups d’etat of 1966 and Wole Soyinka’s The Man Died and You Must Set Forth at Dawn.   Indeed, Perspectives on the Nigerian Civil War can be regarded a courageous attempt to objectively rewrite the history of the Nigerian civil war. In fact, the chapters were presented in manners that differ from the near one-sided nature of most works on the Nigerian civil war. You could tell where most authors on the Nigerian civil war literature came from after reading some chapters without checking their names. This is not the situation with the Perspectives on the Nigerian Civil War.
            Apart from the assessments of Ojukwu, Awolowo and Gowon, he also examined the pre-civil and civil war roles of Majors Kaduna Nzeogwu, Emmanuel Ifeajuna, Adewale Ademoyega, Colonel Victor Banjo and General Aguiyi Ironsi among other soldiers in the 1966 coups and the attendant civil war.
In addition to the examination of these soldiers, Oyeweso also observed that the attitudes and responses of some foreign governments constituted crucial factors in the outbreak and prosecution of the Nigerian civil war. In his essay, The Role of Foreign Powers in the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970) (1993), Oyeweso noted that many countries such as the Republic of Benin, Tanzania, Zambia, Gabon, Ivory Coast, Ghana, Britain, Israel, Spain, Portugal, South Africa, to mention but a few, were divided in their responses to the war. While some of them supported the Biafran side, others supported the federal side. Many others, however, remained neutral. According to Oyeweso, the responses of these foreign governments in Nigeria were informed by the interests of their various leaders. Oyeweso also casts a glance at the involvement of mercenaries in Nigerian civil war. In the Mercenary Involvement in the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970),  Oyeweso attempted to explain the use of what  “soldiers of fortune” by both the Biafran and the Federal governments in the civil war.  He gave some explanations for the involvement of mercenaries in the Nigerian civil war. The first was that Nigerian post-independence military lacked competent professionals to handle sophisticated equipment. This shortcoming also necessitated the recruitment of mercenaries to pilot military aircraft.
 Ojukwu also nursed a feeling of suspicion and fear of some of the senior Biafran soldiers, he therefore decided to employ foreign mercenaries so as not to be overthrown by senior Biafran soldiers. In another publication, Oyeweso examined the role of international organizations such as the Organization of African Unity-OAU (now African Union- AU) in peace and conflict situations in Africa. Using the Nigerian example in OAU and Conflict Resolution: A Case Study of the Nigerian Civil War – 1970 (Oyeweso, 1977). He observes that the OAU as constituted was not in a position to maintain peace in conflict zones across Africa because of  the principle of non-interference which was upheld by member states. The principle precludes member states from interfering in the internal affairs of a state (even when there is threat to peace and security) unless the state requires the intervention.  Oyeweso went ahead to underscore that the principle of inviolability of African borders and the frustrating impacts of interference of selfish imperialist powers in African affairs are other factors that rendered the involvement of OAU in conflict situations almost useless. It is, however, important to underscore that the principles of non-interference has been reviewed in the wake of the transformation of the OAU to AU. As constituted, the AU could interfere in the internal affairs of states in cases of gross violation of human rights abuse and other humanitarian grounds.
More than forty years after the end of the Nigerian Civil War, Oyeweso reflected on the post-independence crises and the challenges of the war in The Post-Independence Crisis and the Nigerian Civil War  (Oyeweso, 2011), he noted that at independence, it was obvious that Nigeria had serious socio-economic and political challenges that were created by the colonial system. While the legacies of the colonial system were mostly held responsible for the attendant break-down of government in the first decade of independence, Oyeweso pointed out that the same alibi cannot be sustained after almost fifty years of independence. On this score, Oyeweso argued that one of the greatest challenges affecting the Nigerian nation in recent time is the attitude of the ruling elites who continue to play ethnic and religious politics in order to advance their selfish ambitions.
Finally, Oyeweso’s conclusion on the Nigerian civil war and the place of Ojukwu in Nigerian history is that the Nigeria civil war was the product of forces which went beyond the alleged political ambition of Odumegwu Ojukwu. While it is true that Ojukwu and his lieutenants gave leadership to the Biafran movement, it should be recognized that they could not be held responsible for the socio-economic and political situations that provided ground for secession and consequent outbreak of the civil war. Therefore, rather than castigate or paint Odumewgu Ojukwu in black colours in Nigerian history, Oyeweso argues that what is important is to emphasize the historical lessons of the civil war for the prevention of a reoccurrence of such ugly event. According to him, the civil war should teach Nigerians the lessons of the need for good governance, security of lives and property, national loyalty and patriotism, responsive and responsible government, free and fair elections, provision of basic infrastructures and so on. It should also teach the undesirability of divisive forces like ethnicity and ethnic cleansing, sectionalism, religious crisis, election and census manipulations, insecurity of lives and property, marginalization, and so on. It is only in emphasising the positive impact of the civil war that the nation derives historical lessons from it and it becomes instruments of nation building and national development.
Oyeweso on Some Aspects of Philosophy and Theory
The Political Philosophy and Historical Theory of St. Augustine (2006) is one of Siyan Oyeweso’s works that portrayed him as a sound theorist and philosopher. In this work, Oyeweso identifies Augustianism as the body of theological and philosophical doctrines developed by St Augustine and examined some of his works especially the one titled the City of God where he identifies two cities: the heavenly and the earthly cities.
Oyeweso went ahead to explain the implications of St. Augustine theory as enunciated in the City of God. According to him, Augustine assumes that the church is supreme over the state. Second, the principle of individual conscience is mentioned especially for Christians. Christians are members of two societies - the state and church. They must be loyal to both which is quite problematic. Oyeweso finally notes that St. Augustine cannot be credited for propounding these ideals because he was virtually interpreting the concepts of natural law from a Christian point of view. The theory about the supremacy of the church was later developed to the concept of “papal plenitude” of power which means that absolute power belongs to the pope. Above all, Oyeweso concludes that St. Augustine was a bad historian because his ideas were theoretically biased. The Bible was his major source of authority and because he was a Christian, his theories and ideals were too subjective.
Oyeweso in another work, Introduction to Existentialist Philosophy (1997) agrees with the notion that “existentialism is the contemporary school of thought which declares that the object of philosophy is not the exposition of a rational system of thought, but the clarification of the nature of man’s existence”. It is a personal expression and impression of life that will guide one to find answers to questions like: “what is man and what is the significance of life”? Is there a purpose of human existence and who or what is the determiner of that purpose?” According to Oyeweso, existentialism can be traced to Sorer Kierkegaard (1813-1855), but its modern current can be traced to the writings of Fredrick Nietzsche who declared that “God is dead”. Also regarded as the “father of modern existentialist philosophy,” Kierkegaard’s main thesis, as observed by Oyeweso “was on the theory of the subjectivity of truth, which has become the cornerstone of the entire existentialist approach”. Its emphasis is on man as a living being who is absolutely responsible for his own essence. Oyeweso examined other philosophers such as Karl Jasper who according to him shows a remarkable influence on Kierkegaard and Emmanuel Kant. Meanwhile Jasper discussed on the phenomenon of individual and cultural crisis but could not provide a satisfactory explanation behind the phenomenon of his essence. Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900) was another existentialist philosopher discussed by Oyeweso. He observes that Nietzsche was clearly against organized religions particularly Christianity and Buddhism. The argument put forward by Nietzsche for his rejection is that religion caused the acceptance of what is regarded as ‘share mentality” and went ahead to declare that “God is dead”. Meanwhile, Martin Heidegger (1889-1976) another philosopher discussed by Oyeweso brings out a description of man’s everyday existence which he claims was not real. Heidegger however provides ways of how man can come to an authentic state of life or existence. Oyeweso also discussed Jean Paul Sartre (1905-1980) who was of the opinion that “Marxism and existentialism go hand in hand in their appraisal of social institutions and in the quest to promote freedom in the context of political liberty”.  In addition, he mentioned Albert Camus (1913-1960) who pointed out that “it is difficult to find importance in the world because for him the world lacks reason”. Camus further pointed out that “all reason for existing disappears at the end of the day one finds out that it is unbearably absurd to live without meaning”. Human life can only be meaningful if man revolts against this absurdity of existence.
The “Conquest of Violence: The Philosophy of Mohandas Karamched Gandhi and Martin Luther King (Jnr.) Revisited” (1997) is another work by Siyan Oyeweso and Charles Alade. The work attempts an analysis of the philosophy of Mohandas Karamched Gandhi, “who helped to shape the strategy of anti-colonialism through his ideas of non-violence or passive resistance” and Martin Luther King (Jnr.), the African-American who is referred to as the “modern Moses” who fought for social justice and equality for blacks in America. According to the authors, these men were important and worthy of study because despite being violated, repressed, brutalized, segregated, they were non-violent in their confrontations with their oppressors. Gandhi, according to the authors, was not a politician, but a seeker after truth, and had developed the conviction that “truth” can be reached only through non-violence. The authors emphasized the fact that for Gandhi, non-violence does not amount to weakness or cowardice. He inaugurated the non-cooperation attitude as a means to fight colonialism. He boycotted foreign cloth; went on hungry protests; and called on Indians to demonstrate their nationalist feelings against imperialism. This movement was resisted vigorously by the colonial government and many nationalist leaders were arrested. While many newspapers were suppressed, Gandhi himself was imprisoned for six years but released after two years due to health reasons.
Martin Luther King (Jnr.) on the other hand is referred to as the prophet who gave hope to blacks, who fought for social justice and equality. To White Americans, King built a bridge of communication between races. According to the authors, King adhered to the belief of non-violence as a tool to achieve his goals. A detailed review of the biography of Martin Luther King (Jnr.) was discussed by the authors while his philosophical thought was traced to his first sermon at the Baptist Church titled, “Evil is not driven out but crowded out”. Furthermore, King’s activities under the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) established to fight discrimination in public places was also discussed by the authors. In 1964, Martin Luther King received the Nobel Peace Prize for his non-violent leadership.
      Oyeweso began his paper onThe Concepts of Free Will and Determinism in History” (1997) by stating that the topic is one of the areas of disagreement among philosophers and philosophers of history. He quoted Isaiah Berlin’s definition of determinism as “…the view that everything is predetermined, what happens is not affected by what people do or the choices they make”. From this definition, Oyeweso notes that four points could be deduced. First, the outcome of historical process is predetermined in accordance with certain laws over which the historical actors have no control whatever. Second, that determinism implies necessity, compulsion, fatalism and predestination. Third, that there is a dichotomy between free will and determinism. Fourth, that by explaining human actions in causal terms, it implies a denial of human free will and this encourages historians to evade their supposed obligation to pass moral judgments on historical actors i.e. to castigate the Napoleons, Charlemagnes, Stalins, Hitlers, and Abachas of history.  
Oyeweso further reviewed the works of scholars like May Brodbeck and E.H Carr. According to Oyeweso, the views of May Brodbeck and Carr appear to conform to a large extent with what regular historians speak ofas “inevitable”. In his view, this can be called watered-down determinism as opposed to fixed determinism by Karl Popper and Isaiah Berlin. Oyeweso thus noted that events do not just happen and that event in human society, just as in the world of nature, is related to one another within a frame work of laws and regularities. He therefore stated that “nothing in history is inevitable because for it to have happened otherwise, the antecedent cause would have to be different. Similarly, he observes the fact that human actions are both free and determined. Quoting the words of Rousseau; “man is born free yet everywhere he is in chains”, Oyeweso noted that man is free because he has his will and reason to choose his actions. He is in chains because he cannot use his will discriminately.
He condemns Berlin’s assumption that historical actors are free agents because Berlin ignores the contribution of social psychology to the understanding of how individual members of the society can act not in accordance with their own wishes but that of their manipulator. Another weakness is that Berlin’s notion of moral responsibility of historical actors also ignores the contribution of psycho-analysis to the understanding of people’s behaviour. In the case of madness, humans cannot be made responsible for actions made. So also in the case of actions made while under the influence of drug, alcohol, torture and so on. 
            In addition, Oyeweso examined some Islamic philosophers of the medieval era who contributed significantly to Muslim historiography. Among these was Al-Kindi (801-873 A.D.) who was heavily influenced by Quranic and rational study and was generally regarded as a leading Muslim philosopher. Others include Al- Farabi (870-950 A.D.), Ibn Sina (980-1037), Ibn Tufayl and Ibn Rushd (Averroes 1126-1198). Building on the Greek philosophy of Aristotle, Al-Kindi introduced the Arabs to deep historical thinking through many of his publications. His works traversed many fields from philosophy to astronomy and from dialectics to epistemology. For Kindi, philosophy is the knowledge of truth and reality. Kindi’s philosophy was thus the first bold attempt at synthesizing religion and philosophy, thereby creating a convergence between the two.
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Oyeweso noted that Al-Farabi harmonised political philosophy with Islam drawing from Plato and Aristotle’s ideas. He recognised Plato as the authority on political philosophy and divine laws. His acknowledgement of Plato is an indication that he was building on the existing scholarship of the Greek, thereby deriving his source from the early works rather than conjectural knowledge. His contribution to logic was making accessible Aristotelian logic to an Arab audience and he laid the basis for the quinary division of reasoning. He maintained that human reasoning is superior to religious faith whereby philosophers relies on reasoning and  non-philosophers invokes the revealed religion or divine explanation for the course of history. In sum, Al-Farabi’s political philosophy became a very strong influence on many Islamic scholars including Al-Masudi and Ikhwan al-Safa.
Also, Oyeweso observes that Ibn Sina’s (980-1037) was pre-occupied with universal problems. Based on Aristotelian and Plotinus interpretation, he developed his theory of creation by emanation. According to Oyeweso, his ideas influenced the thinking of Thomas Aquinas albeit with modifications and further development. Though trained in medicine, he made the most contribution in the field of philosophy.
On Ibn Rushd (1126-1198), Oyeweso is of the view that Ibn Rushd came from a background which had much interest in law. His sentiment for legal profession brought him to prominence as the Chief Justice of Cordova. His understanding in making simple the Aristotelian ideas earned him the title “Commentator of Aristotle” and he was well known in medieval Europe as Averroes. His philosophies were a sharp tradition away from the religious mind. This explains his unpopularity with the Arabs. He is by every standard a philosopher with great ideas about truth.
Oyeweso on African Political Thought
Oyeweso’s contribution on African political thought is also significant. For instance, he has to his credit a number of works on selected Nigerian statesmen and political elites. One of these is “The Political and Social ideas of Dr Nnamdi Azikwe: A Reconsideration” (1991). In this work, Oyeweso acknowledges the nationalism and statesmanship of Azikiwe and underscored his personality as one of the leading elites in Africa and founding fathers of Nigeria. As an historian, however, Oyeweso’s concern with Azikiwe is to re-examine his intellectual ideas for historical objectivity. According to him, there has been an attempt to create a pantheon of national heroes with many accounts and interpretation tending to distort historical fact. The danger for the historian, according to him, is the tendency to accept such interpretations as valid. On this score, Oyeweso identifies some of the contradicting and conflicting issues in the political ideas of Azikwe. Some of these include Zik’s assumption of imperialism as an inevitable and progressive phenomenon for weak nations like African states. According to Oyeweso, colonialism is neither historically progressive, development centred or of a moral character in terms of power. Oyeweso also highlights Azikiwe’s lack of consistence and allegiance to his thought on issues like federalism, egalitarianism, capitalism, socialism and so on. He notes, for instance, that thrice in his life, Azikiwe committed an ideological apostasy. He once conceived the idea of Marxian socialism in his work, Renascent Africa (1937) which was later changed to ‘African Socialism’ and to ‘neo-welfarism’.
In addition, Oyeweso criticizes the attempt by many people to indict Zik’s followers and dissidents for interpreting Azikiwe’s ideas out of his own context. He went further to point out that there is no reason to create a dichotomy between the ideas of Azikiwe when he was a youth and when he was older and more experienced. Such attempt, according to him, would only lead to dualization of human thought. It would also seek to exonerate Azikiwe from failing to match his ideas with practice. These attempts, for Oyeweso, are ahistorical. Therefore, while Oyeweso concludes that Azikiwe was grossly inconsistent in his thought and highly rhetorical in practice, he nevertheless points out that Azikiwe was a symbol of Nigerian nationalism and the most combative campaigner against British imperialism in Nigeria.
Meanwhile, with the exception of his work on Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Oyeweso’s discourses on intellectual ideas and political thought were not with the mainstream political elites like Leopold Senghor, Kwame Nkrumah, Modibo Keita, Sekou Toure, etc., that have attracted so much scholarly publications and public commentary. His major concern has been on the little known (according to Segun Osoba, the “Oppositional Counter Elites”) who however contributed significantly to the nation building process of Nigeria. His seminal work onThe Political Thought of Mokwugo Okoye Since 1950” (1995), which is also his doctoral thesis, is the first systematic, critical and original work on the life and socio-political ideas of Mokwugo Okoye, a radical Nigerian nationalist, socialist, philosopher and one of the acknowledged leaders of the Zikist Movement. 
Indeed, Oyeweso’s treatise did not only offer a profile of Okoye’s life and his intellectual ideas, it also shows how social experience, a lived experience and idealism can interface and find meaning in political practice. Oyeweso’s views on intellectual ideas agrees with the observation that the thoughts of an individual and the society cannot be understood without the social milieu in which they exist. To this end, his argument on Okoye’s thoughts is that colonial alienation and degradation was central to the development of his world-view. In him, however, there is an ideal African intellectual. He was a man who reflects and yet did not allow his reflection to encumber him from social action. He is also a man whose social action was meticulously guided by thought. To Okoye, the role of the intellectual and the political activist is closely intertwined. Commitment to him is not an end in itself. It must have practical relevance to the just and democratic struggles of the masses. In short, the essence of commitment and social praxis in Okoye's thought is the liberation of man, particularly the underclass, the exploited and voiceless classes.
Also in the book Mokwugo Okoye: Struggle for National Liberation and Social Justice (2006), Oyeweso provides unassailable evidence that establishes Mokwugo Okoye as an unremitting critic of the status quo, a scholar-politician who pursued creative ideas and a committed ideologist who made significant contributions to the philosophy of governance and African political historiography. The work is a profile of a man who devoted his entire life to the emancipation of the oppressed people of Nigeria and who never compromised the principles he stood for. To date, it is significant to note that Oyeweso’s discourse on Mokwugo Okoye stands out as one of the pioneering contributions to the growing literature on African political thought.
 Oyeweso’s treatise shows that the leading figures in the national liberation movement were not the only group that deserves historical attention and documentation. There are many unsung heroes who actually contributed to the intellectual growth and the attainment of independence who have either been neglected or were not properly documented in the prevailing nationalist historiography.
Apart from Okoye, Oyeweso has also worked on the social and political aspects of the thoughts of Aminu Kano” Oyeweso was attracted by the ideas of Aminu Kano which had some measure of relevance to the historical situation in which he found himself and the significant influence it has on the attitude and behaviour of a great number of people. He observes that Aminu Kano did not produce any major political treatise in his life time, he however has many speeches, addresses and official memoranda in which his thoughts could be gleaned. Meanwhile, Oyeweso closely examined some of the connecting threads in Amini Kano’s speeches with a view to finding some order and continuity in the development of his political ideas. In any case, he observes that Aminu Kano was more of a political activist than a theorist and he was interested in putting his political ideas into practice. One of the features that stand him out among his compeers was his devotion to the cause of the poor and the downtrodden. He led a humble life and he has been described by many as the ‘conscience of the nation’.
Oyeweso’s work on African political thought also extends to the social and political ideas of Adegoke Oduola Adelabu, the diminutive stormy petrel of Ibadan politics in his work entitled “Essential Adegoke Adelabu” (2000). The picture of Adelabu that emerges from this study is that of a grass root politician, a detribalised Nigerian, a statesman, the lion of the West and a counter opposition elite within the context of Yoruba politics. Adelabu is a man who believes in popular democracy where every individual, irrespective of sex, creed, religion, age and education can live freely. He is described as a man of the people who was also passionately devoted to their plight. This factor made Oyeweso to refer to him as Africa’s first Fanonist for he was involved in the liberation struggle of the peasantry.
Oyeweso observes that throughout his life time, Adelabu remained committed to the liberation struggle of the country from the vestiges of colonialism. He therefore concludes that Adelabu was Ibadan’s greatest contribution to Nigeria’s nationalist movement and the most charismatic leader to have emerged for the town.
Conclusion
This chapter has provided a background analysis to the intellectual activities of Professor Siyan Oyeweso. It provides a detailed analysis of his thoughts on the nature of history and historiography as well his perspectives on war, warfare and strategic studies. Without mincing words, Oyeweso, through his perceptive analyses of issues and concepts in historiography and warfare over the years, stands out as a leading Nigerian expert in strategic studies. Also, he has shown his worth as a reputable historical philosopher and thinker of contemporary Nigeria as reflected in the number of his works on political thoughts and views on some eminent Nigerians.
As indicated earlier, Siyan Oyeweso is one of the first Nigerian historians to employ interdisciplinary and trans-disciplinary approach to historical scholarship. Perhaps one of the landmark contributions of Oyeweso to the development of historical scholarship and discipline in Nigeria was the nomenclature and curricula/syllabi change in the Department of History of the Lagos State University (LASU). This took place during the 1996/1997 academic session when the name of the Department of History which started as Department of Religions and History at the inception of LASU in October 1984 was changed to Department of History and International Studies. This trail-blazing and historic revolution took place under the headship of Dr. Olakunle Lawal with the collaboration of Ife and Ibadan trained scholars like Late Professor Deji Ogunremi, Charles Alade, Abolade Adeniji, Dele Adeoti, Modupe M. Faseke, Bayo Adeogun and other notable members of academic staff. In furthering this disciplinary transformation, the Department reviewed its curriculum and created a new and unique trans-disciplinary orientation for historical training at LASU. This led to what Oyeweso called the birth of “LASU School of History”. What is significant here is that he was part of the team that carried out this transformation at LASU which has since been emulated by several Departments of History across most Nigerian universities. Today, virtually all the departments of history in Nigerian universities have replicated the LASU initiative. In sum, Oyeweso remains a historian of note and a scholar of repute who has written his name in gold in academic scholarship in modern Nigeria.
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Oyeweso, Siyan (1997), “Conquest of Violence: The Philosophy of Mohandas Karamched Gandhi & Martin Luther King (Jnr.) Revisited’. Ibid pp.495-504
Oyeweso, Siyan (1997), “The Concept of Freewill and Determinism in History” ibid, pp.537-540
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